One oversight is that Gibbon’s infantry could in no way have blockaded, stopped or otherwise intercepted mounted Plains Indians. His cavalry troops would have been badly outnumbered, and their horses were in questionable condition by June 26. His infantry would have been totally ineffective against evaders, mounted or otherwise.

Had Custer waited until June 26^th to attack – and had Gibbon’s column been in place – the dispersing “hostiles” would easily have eluded them. That’s assuming the hostiles would have even been fleeing Custer’s command. It also assumes the two columns could have gotten into position without first being discovered by Sioux or Cheyenne scouts and/or hunters.

The second overlooked factor is that not only were the Sioux and Cheyenne well aware of Terry’s approaching column, that column did not arrive until June 27^th. Actually, Lt. James Bradley and his scouts did begin to encounter hostiles on the 26^th. They even rode within striking distance of a large gathering of “hostiles.”

However, Gibbon’s troops were in no position to support an attack by Custer, even by late evening on June 26^th. By the time Bradley’s scouts approached late in the day, they were still only scouting ahead of the column. It is good that they did.  

The Sioux and Cheyenne were celebrating their overwhelming victory as their families dispersed and moved southward toward the Bighorn Mountains. They were not without a rear guard, however.

While Terry’s tired men and horses moved up the Little Bighorn late on June 26^th, Bradley’s men first encountered a small group of “hostiles” moving into a stand of timber down on the river bottom. The warriors appeared to be attempting the decoy tactic that had led William Fetterman to his demise nearly 10 years earlier.

Bradley had seen other warriors moving into the timber, and he perceived that perhaps hundreds more awaited there. He knew an ambush awaited.

Bradley and Lt. Roe also witnessed what appeared to be blue-clad cavalry riding in formation and joining in column of fours. In fact, Roe rode ahead to hale them.

It was only when warriors responded with a fusillade of carbine fire that Gibbon’s lieutenant realized the riders were hostiles dressed in cavalry uniforms. The clothing could only have been stolen from dead soldiers. Gibbon’s men were far too late for any coordinated effort, even if the attack had occurred on June 26^th.

Any plan for the columns to make a coordinated attack – or for one to support the other – would have been idealistic at best. The words of Lt. Edward Godfrey bear that notion out. His account was published in Century Magazine in January 1892.

In his published narrtive Godfrey wrote, “Had Custer continued his march southward – that is, left the Indian trail – the Indians would have known of our movement on the 25^th . . . the Indians never would have remained in camp and allowed a concentration of the several columns to attack them.” He concluded, “If they had escaped without punishment of battle Custer would undoubtedly have been blamed.” 

Any attack carried out by Custer on June 26^th would have happened at dawn, or at least early in the day. Even arriving late that day, or evening, Gibbon could not have intercepted fleeing villagers. By the time his command approached, the occupants had already left – away from them.

Terry and Gibbon commanded five infantry companies and four cavalry troops. This was a force of only about 400 men, far less than Custer’s 12 companies. They struggled over rough and uneven terrain up the Bighorn River to the mouth of the Little Bighorn. By the time they approached late on June 26^th, they were exhausted.

While Custer may have neglected to go as far south up the Rosebud as Terry had wanted, it cannot be said that he disobeyed orders or disregarded set plans. His intention, as attested by several survivors, was to rest his command all day on June 25^th and attack early on the 26^th. It was only when he realized his troops had been discovered by Indians that he altered that plan.

At least two survivors, including trumpeter/orderly John Martin, later stated that Custer had a bugler sound “officers’ call” once he learned his command had been spotted by “hostiles.” That alone attests that he felt he must hurry. Up to that point, since starting up the Rosebud on June 22, all bugle sounds and loud noises had been prohibited.

Once Custer realized he had lost the element of surprise, he saw no reason to refrain further from using bugle calls. He had to attack before the village scattered. Regardless, even if Custer had delayed his attack until the morning of June 26^th, Gibbon’s column would still have arrived too late.

Bradley described going into camp thoroughly exhausted, without having reached the Little Bighorn, on the night of June 25^th. He wrote that the infantry and regular cavalry had covered 35 miles that day, and his scouts had covered at least 55. He also wrote of the grueling march they had made over very rough terrain.

The command had lent their best Crow scouts to Custer, and instead they relied on some of Cap’n Ball’s squadron that had scouted the area more two months prior (see A Portentous Taunt, April 29). These impromptu guides led the column over a route full of steep climbs and descents followed by more steep climbs as they crossed one ravine after another.

Bradley had been out scouting away from the column. He returned to find the command’s plight and suggested that Terry us the older Crow scout Little Face, who had roamed the area as a boy. Only then, in complete darkness as rain fell, the command took a reasonable route.

Around midnight Terry’s cavalry and scouts finally camped at a good water source. Many had consumed all the water in their canteens, and even that had been alkaline at best. They had not yet even reached the Little Bighorn. The infantry had stopped 12 miles back.

Bradley and his scouts were sent out abruptly at four the next morning. About two miles from the Little Bighorn he finally found tracks left by Indians. At the river he found three of the Crow scouts sent with Custer. Distraught, they bore news of the command’s annihilation.

Bradley rode back to deliver the news personally to General Terry. The infantry finally caught up to the cavalry around noon on June 26^th, and the reunited force marched until 9 p.m. They finally went into camp after spotting hundreds of hostile warriors ahead. One of the advance companies, sent out as flankers, had witnessed the noncombatants moving away, southward, toward the Bighorn mountains.

Trail-worn and tired, Terry and Gibbon’s command did reach the Little Bighorn and approach the village site until late on June 26^th. It had required long, forced marches. Horses and pack mules had gone short on feed, and all had gone short on water.

They were too late. The village was gone, and they were in poor shape for fighting anyway. They could easily have suffered the same fate as Custer.

Numerous accounts given by Sioux and Cheyenne survivors attest that they were well aware of Terry’s approaching column. He could in no way have surprised them, much less pursued them or blocked their escape.

Even if Custer had waited until June 26^th to attack, the Montana column would have been of no help. And had Custer gone 20 miles further south, his attack would have been delayed until June 27^th. Gibbon’s command, rather than Custer’s would likely have suffered annihilation at the Little Bighorn. Or, the Indians would have dispersed.

Simply put, any hope of a coordinated attack on June 26^th was idealistic at best. Gibbon’s command arrived exhausted and far too late. Custer had little choice but to press his attack early. Lieutenant Bradley would find the results on the morning of June 27^th along the hills overlooking the Little Bighorn.

The post Gibbon Gets There — Too Late appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

Herendeen’s herd of stragglers was not alone. While he shepherded his group to safety the first day of the battle, another group had to survive in hiding the remainder of that day and on through the night. Two of them escaped only at sunset on June 26^th, the battle’s second day.

Charles DeRudio was a foreign-born soldier who reached America during her Civil War. Born in Austria, he had served in Austria’s army but ended up in France. escaping execution as a revolutionary (he was part of an attempt to assassinate Napoleon) he emigrated to the United States. He enlisted as a private in the Union Army but was made second lieutenant by war’s end.

Military life seemed to appeal to DeRudio, and he would continue that career past the Little Bighorn. It was his resourcefulness, however, that kept him and a fellow soldier alive to continue that career until retirement.

One item of interest is that DeRudio maintained his habit of carrying a saber, apparently clinging to his European roots. Cavalry rarely carried sabers on America’s frontier, particularly at the Little Bighorn. In fact, partially due to the potential noise caused by the sabers clanging as the troopers moved, the 7^th Cavalry left theirs at their Powder River base.

Rudio may have kept his saber, however, carrying it with him to the Little Bighorn. It has been speculated that he even lent it to Custer. Too many artists’ conceptions of the battle show at least Custer using his saber in the final stand. At least one Sioux account also mentions one of the last soldiers to die. It holds that that soldier fought fiercely with a “long knife” (which was a term Indians used to describe cavalry sabers.)

It is unlikely that Custer borrowed DeRudio’s saber; however, it is said that DeRudio had, in fact, lent him a high-quality pair of European binocular. If so, they disappeared when soldiers’ bodies and horses were plundered after the battle.

Regardless, soon after the battle DeRudio related a story of his narrow escape. First though, a recap of Herendeen’s heroic leadership might be in order, as it occurred on the battle’s first day. It was the first of three Great Escapes.

DeRudio stated that Reno’s odd order for troops to dismount and form a skirmish line was likely due to huge amounts of dust obscuring the object of his charge. He added his estimate that only 200 to 300 warriors met the initial charge. Still, that number was more than Reno’s three companies, even if every fourth trooper hadn’t been neutralized as a “horse holder” for his mount and three others.

After Reno ordered his line back into a stand of timber, he was said to have ordered them to mount, and then to dismount again. As numbers of hostile warriors grew, they began to infiltrate the timber. Whether the scout Bloody Knife’s death was the final straw or not (alcohol appears to have been a factor too), Reno became disconcerted and ordered a retreat.

Reno later called his retreat a charge, but not all his men heard the order. Some were left behind. Others were abandoned when their horses were killed or escaped. DeRudio’s was hit by a bullet and spooked before he could mount up. Herendeen’s fell, throwing him. It then ran away. Both were left unhorsed but unaware of the other’s circumstances.

Herendeen related that he soon met thirteen soldiers who had also been left behind. Some had mounted by apparently had not heard Reno’s command. Others were afoot. Herendeen persuaded all to leave their horses as the mounts would draw attention from hostiles. He persuaded 11 of the 13 to hide with him until dusk. It is uncertain what became of the two who refused; Herendeen believed they were found and killed; he never saw them again.

Those who went with Herendeen found him a capable leader who took charge and got them out of their “scrape.” They remained hidden in timber and brush while the warriors swarmed first up against Reno’s siege position on the bluffs across the river. Many warriors then swarmed downriver. Herendeen described hearing what turned out to be the noise from Custer’s battle, lasting about an hour.

Herendeen estimated his group remained below a total of about three hours. When the firing downriver began to dwindle away, Herendeen knew the warriors there would soon return. Not all his companions wanted to leave the security of the timber, but he persuaded 11 of the 13 to go with him. It was the two who remained behind that he never saw again.

As Herendeen’s group approached the Little Bighorn they encountered five mounted Indians, who fired at them. Herendeen had deployed the  men, as he wrote, in skirmish formation. They returned fire and the Indians fled. At that point the group was able to cross the river and scramble up the bluffs. Within 25 minutes the combined force of Reno and Benteen’s troops were under heavy and persistent fire once again.

It was in Reno’s disorganized retreat that DeRudio was left behind. As an officer, he would normally have been leading his company. Shortly after being left afoot, however, he met Private O’neil, another unhorsed trooper. He also met scout/interpreter Fred Girard and Billy Jackson, a half-Blackfoot scout. They still had their mounts and kept them, even while the group hid behind or under a washed-out bank of the old river channel.

After hiding until dusk, this group also tried to get to the river and across to rejoin their command. They encountered a group of eight hostiles, and the two mounted scouts “sunk spurs,” and bolted for safety, leaving the two on foot behind. Bad as that sounds, DeRudio wrote earlier that Girard had told him he would be tell Reno of the dismounted men’s location in the event those on horses had to run.

Regardless, DeRudio found himself alone with Private O’Neil. Fortunately for them the eight Indians seemed to believe their prey had escaped. DeRudio and O’Neil spent a long night concealed in the brush. Toward dawn they made another attempt to reach the river and cross it. This time they encountered what appeared to be U.S. cavalry. In fact, DeRudio believed he was seeing Captain Tom Custer.

DeRudio related that he saw several gray horses (E Troop’s)  ridden by men in military shirts. Several riders wore cavalry hats. Then he noticed one with a buckskin jacket, pants, boots and hat that made him think he saw Tom Custer. He called out, expecting protection. Instead, he wrote, he and O’Neil were greeted by a heavy volley of rifle fire. Fortunately neither was hit.

Diving back into the brush the pair dodged further bullets but when they looked out the other side they saw more hostiles approaching. Taking cover behind deadfall, DeRudio shot one with his revolver while O’Neil took one with his carbine. Fortunately, the rest rode away.

Next the warriors set fire to the brush. Only a particularly green area failed to burn, allowing the pair to stay hidden while seeing out. They could see warriors besieging the troops atop the bluffs. Finally, late in the afternoon the warriors left. DeRudio and O’Neil waited another three to four hours before risking discovery by crossing the river. A two-mile walk finally brought them to the fortified position of the troops that had left them.

DeRudio wrote that he and O’Neil had had neither food nor water for 36 hours. Theirs was by far the most harrowing of the narrow escapes. He wrote the troops were very happy to see them; the troops had believed them dead.

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Born in Ohio, Herendeen served in America’s Civil War. Few dates or timelines survive, but historian Thom Hatch records simply that Herendeen lived with an uncle in Indiana before moving west to Denver around 1868. He then “cowboyed” in New Mexico.

In Montana Territory

Herendeen apparently arrived in Montana Territory with a cattle drive. In 1874 he was part of the Yellowstone Wagonroad and Prospecting Expedition. This little-known foray intended what the name implies, including a searching for a fabled “lost cabin gold mine.” The expedition intruded into unceded lands set aside as hunting grounds exclusively for use by reservation Indians.

In 1875 Herendeen joined 42 trappers and traders led by Crow Indian agent Fellows Pease. They built the ill-fated post known as Fort Pease near the mouth of the Bighorn River. However, rather than cashing in on military trade, the post suffered repeated Sioux raids. By mid-February 1876 several members had died and others had scattered. Trader Paul McCormick trudged through a blizzard to Fort Ellis, 200 miles away, to request military help.

Salty and self-sufficient, Herendeen was found out trapping when the cavalry passed through. It is unclear whether he was forced to evacuate the area like other Fort Pease occupants. One later source simply stated he had lived in a cabin along the Yellowstone, and hostile Indians failed to find it.

A Salty, Self-Sufficient Scout

In early 1876 Colonel Gibbon hired Herendeen as a packer and guide to help escort his Montana Column in its efforts to locate hostiles. It seemed a particularly fortuitous hire. Lt. James Bradley mentioned Herendeen intermittently thoughout his journal. Each comment seems neutral at worst, if not universally favorable.

When General Terry, the ranking officer, commandeered interpreter/guide Mitch Bouyer and six Crow scouts at the mouth of the Rosebud, he also extended an offer for hazardous duty. He wanted to send a messenger when Custer took all 12 7^th Cavalry troops up Rosebud Creek to pick up the huge travois trail left by moving “hostiles.” That messenger would descend Tullock Creek once Custer’s plan took more definite shape.

The two forks of Tullock Creek lay between the Tongue River and Rosebud Creek. Reno was intended to have ruled out hostiles in the Tongue River drainage. He had disobeyed orders, instead following the huge “lodgepole trail” into the Rosebud drainage. Concern lingered that some “hostiles” might still lurk in those drainages. The messenger, though, would have to descend through this potentially dangerous region.

Custer was to check into the upper reaches of Tullock Creek’s two forks. It seems he did so by gaining a broad view from the Wolf Mountains west of the Rosebud. Some say he disobeyed this directive, but Herendeen later stated no hostiles were there and such efforts would have wasted time.

Unsent Messages

Regardless, Herendeen did accept General Terry’s offer, hazardous duty and all. In an 1878 letter to the New York Herald, Herendeen tried to clear up misinformation about Custer’s last campaign. In that letter he alluded to apparent negotiations, or at least clarifications, as to the commanders’ expectations and what compensation he would receive. Like Bouyer, Herendeen knew the region well. According to the letter, Custer was pleased and stated Herendeen was just the man he wanted along.

Part-way up Rosebud Creek, Custer’s troops found the abandoned site of the huge Sun Dance the combined nontreaty tribes had held. There they also found the scalp of a one of Gibbon’s soldiers. The man was one of three killed in an ambush along the Yellowstone one month before. As the troops move farther up the Rosebud, the travois trail became increasingly fresh.

Strangely – but again perhaps fortuitously – Custer refused to let Herendeen return with new of these findings. He stated no real news existed yet, but he would let Herendeen “earn his bonus” when news was encountered. The scout/courier was never dispatched back, and it is uncertain whether he ever collected hazard pay. He should have.

Events and plans changed quickly from there. Custer made a night march on June 24^th and ended up by dawn near at the divide between the Rosebud and Little Bighorn drainages. From “Crow’s Nest,” a promontory affording long views all around, Custer’s scouts spotted the hostile village 15 miles distant.

Soldiers were spotted by at least twice by “hostiles,” however, and Custer determined he must press an immediate attack. That would have been an ideal time to send Herendeen back with updates. It didn’t happen, though. He went with Custer toward the huge encampment on the Little Bighorn.

At the Little Bighorn

Oddly, after Custer divided his command, all his scouts but four Crows and Mitch Bouyer went with Major Reno. Herendeen was among them. Reno’s assigned attack on the village’s south end quickly turned into a rout – of his command, not of the Sioux. After warriors moved around his left flank he retreated to a stand of brush and timber, where he tried to regroup and reform.

Whether Reno lost his nerve or failed to communicate effectively, his command became disorganized and fractured. Reno led what he later called a “charge” out of the timber and up to higher ground on a bluff back across the Little Bighorn. He had previously commanded his men to dismount. Many failed to hear his order to remount and ride out.

Herendeen was among those who joined Reno initially in his headlong ride. However, Herendeen’s horse stumbled and fell on the rough, uneven ground, throwing him. He quickly joined roughly 16 men who had either not heard the command or had lost their mounts (Many horses died amidst chaotic firing; at least two scouts along with several troopers died as a result.) At least a dozen survived due to Herendeen’s savvy and leadership.

Saving Scalps

A reprint of Herendeen’s account will be posted separately. In short, he related how he met with other men left behind. Some still had horses and wanted to keep them, but he dissuaded them. Three were wounded – two so badly they could not use their arms. Herendeen told the group they must stand by the wounded.

Keeping the group concealed in the timber, he waited while most of the attackers raced downriver to what later proved to be Custer’s annihilation. The group heard firing for about an hour, then realized their attackers would soon return. Herendeen directed the group to leave, deploying them in skirmisher fashion. They met five mounted Indians who fled when the group returned their fire.

Crossing the chest-deep river, Herendeen’s stragglers all reached safety shortly before the main body of warriors returned. Two had stayed behind, wanting to await nightfall. Herendeen never saw them again, but the wounded who had gone with him survived.

Life After the Little Bighorn

Despite this being the hero’s own story, it bears credibility. Other accounts mention the thirteen stragglers reaching safety with those entrenching on the bluffs. Lt. Edward Mclernand, a 7^th Infantry engineer, described Herendeen as “an unusually reliable man.” Herendeen was called to testify extensively in the 1879 Reno Court of Inquiry, and his accounts have been highly regarded.

Additional information is spotty regarding Herendeen after he survived the Little Bighorn. He did serve as a scout during the 1877 Nez Perce campaign. He then worked in or around several cities in the developing territory and state, finally settling on the Fort Belknap Reservation. He apparently worked there constructing government buildings and eventually became Justice of the Peace in Harlem. He died in 1919.

The post George Herendeen: Salty Civilian Scout and Unheralded Hero of the Little Bighorn appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

Based on real people, places and events, this historical novel tracks scout Jed Morgan through events surrounding the Little Bighorn and the Big Hole battle to the Bearpaw battle . . . and beyond!

When Custer recruits Jed Morgan as a frontier army scout. Jed finds adventure . . . and adversity. His battles take him past the Little Bighorn to the Big Hole battle and beyond.

Conflicts pit Morgan first against Sioux and Cheyenne, and then against fugitive Nez Perce. He must persevere through hardships, fights and even spiteful schemes of the venomous Private Bligh. As skirmishes take Jed across vast, unsettled Montana Territory, his own inner battles also brew and build.

Bent on vengeance for his brother’s brutal Little Bighorn death, Jed must confront his greatest enemy . . .

Order Ebook now on Amazon! Paperback and ordering information coming soon!

The post Brand-new Novel Now Available! Historical Fiction! Bighorn to the Big Hole: Fights That Forged A Scout. Ebook now available on Amazon; Paperback Out Soon! appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

Congress has since changed the day’s name and date, making it a national holiday. Its general purpose has expanded too. It continues to remind us, though, that we should honor and appreciate those who have “pioneered” and gone before, often at great sacrifice.

Decoration Day was first designated and observed by Major General John Logan in 1868 to honor fallen Union soldiers. The war to preserve our Union had ended only three years before. Logan was Commander-In-Chief of the Grand Army of the Republic, or GAR, which was a Union veterans’ organization.

Logan chose May 30 for the observance, because flowers would be in full bloom by then and could be used to decorate graves. (Remember, at that time our nation consisted mainly of states closer to sea level, where growing seasons were less limited by late frosts.)

Local observances had taken place in other states, where many, including freedmen, gathered to rebury fallen Union soldiers. Some decorated the mass graves of those who had died in Confederate prison camps. Local observances and traditions continue even today.

Until 1918 Decoration Day had been observed to honor those who served – and especially those who fell – in the American Civil War. After World War I, the “Great War,” the day’s significance came to honor all those who had died in all of our nation’s wars. Many of us have since known it as a day to remember all who have gone before us, particularly family members, regardless of military service.

In 1967 Congress changed the name of the observance from Decoration Day to Memorial Day. Many who had always known it as Decoration Day continued to use that name. Congress then passed the Uniform Monday Holiday Act in 1971, which made Memorial Day a federal holiday and moved it to the last Monday in May.

As we consider Decoration Day, please look back on Memorial Day and also look ahead to our nation’s Independence Day. We should all look back with gratitude on all who have gone before us. Remember those who have sacrificed – in so many ways, over centuries – to pioneer and establish this nation.

True, many wrongs have been committed by all races and cultures who make up this nation. The history of mankind is marked and measured by conflict. Our own nation’s history is not without blemish. No nation’s history is.

Each race or cultural group has history of warring against other cultures and at times oppressing some. We must all acknowledge those wrongs and resolve to do better ourselves. But we are blessed with immeasurable freedoms protected by the constitution on which those freedoms are based.

As Lakota historian Joseph Marshall III wrote in the introduction to his notable book The Day The World Ended at the Little Bighorn, “. . . anyone born of American parents within the borders of the United States of America or its territories is a native American. . .” All who are so blessed to have been born Americans should be grateful for that unearned blessing.

We should continue to remember and honor those who fought to win and preserve our freedoms as a nation. We should honor and support those who labor and even risk their lives to keep our homeland secure. We should also honor those who sacrificed in so many other ways.

In considering Decoration Day, look backward with great gratitude. We should look inward and forward with commitment to rectitude. That way, each day we can honor those who have gone before and sacrificed.  We should be immeasurably grateful to all who sacrificed over centuries to give us the unbounded opportunities and freedoms we enjoy.  

The post Decoration Day: A Short History and a Call to Remembrance appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

During America’s Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln learned that a Boston widow was thought to have lost five sons. His classic, heartfelt letter to her stated, in part, “. . . I cannot refrain from tendering you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the republic they died to save. . .”

At Gettysburg, Colonel Joshua Chamberlain faced that specter as well. His brothers John and Thomas belonged to his regiment; Thomas served as his aide. Assigned to man and hold a crucial-but-unguarded prominence called Little Round Top, they rode urgently together, leading the 20^th Maine. (Thankfully, they survived and heroically held that crucial ground.)

On the Cleveland Civil War Round Table site, a William Vodrey quotes Geoffrey C. Ward: “As Chamberlain and his two brothers, Tom and John, rode abreast together toward the hill, a Confederate shell narrowly missed them. ‘Boys,’ the colonel said, ‘another such shot might make it hard for Mother. Tom, go to the rear of the regiment and see that it is well closed up! John, pass up ahead and look out a place for our wounded.”

June 25, 1876 would make it hard for the Custers’ mother.

Family Ties

The Custers’ blended family had always been tight-knit. The father, Emmanuel Custer is described as a fun-loving dad who romped with his kids and traded practical jokes with them. A widower with two surviving sons, he married the recently widowed Maria Kirkpatrick, who brought a son and daughter to the family. The couple added five more children of their own to the lively family.

Maria must have at least tolerated the rambunctiousness, if she did not join in. Custer later wrote, “I never wanted for anything necessary. . .” In response to a different letter his mother wrote, “. . . I was note fortunate enough to have wealth to make home beautiful, always my desire. So I tried to fill the empty spaces with little acts of kindness. . .”

For some reason Custer left his family’s farm and went to live with his step-sister Lydia Reed and her husband in Monroe, Michigan – perhaps for better educational opportunities. Over time Emmanuel Custer bought a farm and lived closer to his son Nevin in northern Ohio, but then he moved on to Monroe as well (after George had gone off to West Point.) This may have been so his frail and ailing wife could live closer to her adult daughter.

Following in Brother’s Footsteps

As George graduated West Point into the Civil War’s cauldron, his younger brother Tom enlisted too. Tom would advance through the enlisted ranks while George rose rapidly as a commissioned officer. Tom Custer would eventually serve as his brother’s aide, just as Joshua Chamberlain’s brother Thomas had. He would survive the war and enlist in the post-Civil War cavalry, remaining close to the older brother he idolized.

Paternalistic Pattern

After the Civil War ended, George was assigned in Texas during Reconstruction. Brother Tom was there as well. History is spotty, but it is known that Emmanuel spent time there working as a “forage master” for the 7^th Cavalry. A pattern of nepotism continued thereafter – one that would lead to “clusters of Custers.” It would end in widespread loss for the family.

After assignments on the remote Kansas/Oklahoma plains, the 7th Cavalry would be sent north to Fort Abraham Lincoln near Bismarck, Dakota Territory. Not only would Custer’s wife, Libby, go with him there, brother Tom would accompany them too. Sister Margaret, or “Maggie,” often joined them at their posts as well. She met and married infantry lieutenant James Calhoun along the way. Fatefully, George would arrange Calhoun’s transfer to the 7th Cavalry.

Custer’s father, Emmanuel, had mortgaged his farm to pay for George’s entrance into West Point. In similar fashion, George had paid for younger sister Maggie’s schooling at the Young Ladies’ Seminary and Collegiate Institute. He also paid for her voice and music lessons. She would become accomplished in both fields and was later much in demand.

Social Magnets, Nepotistic Networking

The Custers’ quarters quickly became a social center, at least for officers and their wives. The close-knit Custer cadre was soon called the Custer “Royal Family.” By 1874 they were joined by younger brother Boston Custer. He accompanied the Black Hills expedition as a “forage master,” just as his father had done in Texas. He would remain with the regiment as a civilian employee into 1876. Apparently he was paid $100/month as a guide for the column despite his scant skill or experience.

By 1876 the Custer cluster was joined by 18-year-old Autie Reed. He was the son of older step-sister Lydia Kirkpatrick Reed, with whom George had boarded while attending school in Monroe, Michigan. Young Autie would accompany the 7^th cavalry as a civilian employee as well. He served as a beef herder until he rode out with George, Tom, Boston and their brother-in-law James Calhoun June 22, 1876.

Three days later, those 12 cavalry companies would make their famous attack the large, combined village of Sioux and Cheyenne bands on the Little Bighorn River. George would divide his command four ways. The five troops with him included Tom Custer’s C Company and Calhoun’s L Company. Boston and Autie Reed went with them too. None survived.

Too Many In One Basket

At one point Boston Custer left his brother’s command as it rode toward its Little Bighorn fate. Accounts speak of a number of horses faltering as Custer’s battalion advanced. Some say Boston’s mount was among them, so he went back to the pack train to secure a replacement. Others say he was detailed to the pack train but hurried to join George when action appeared imminent.

Either way, Boston encountered trumpeter John Martin, who had been sent with a message to hurry the ammunition packs forward. Boston managed to reach George, apparently before Indian forces did.

While much remains a mystery, it is known the bodies of George, Tom and Boston Custer and Autie Reed were all found fairly close (clustered?) together after the battle. James Calhoun’s body was found within view, where his company had been deployed in skirmish formation. They had “made it hard” for “mother Custer.”

The Custers’ close-knit tendencies, combined with over-confidence, had caused Maria tremendous loss and grief. Thankfully, some of her sons and step-sons were not enlisted. Already frail, though, she exclaimed, “How can I bear it? All my boys gone.” She lost three sons, a grandson and a son-in-law when they clustered together once too often.

The post Clusters of Custers: Making It “Hard for Mother” appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

Buffalo Calf Road Woman: The Girl That Saved Her Brother

The more renowned of the two was a Cheyenne. Buffalo Calf Road Woman (or Buffalo Calf Trail Woman) rode to the battle alongside her husband, Black Coyote. Why she participated in the battle is uncertain. No accounts of her presence there seem to give a reason.

It may not have been unheard of for women amongst various Plains Indian tribes to participate in warfare, but it does not seem common. Men normally did the raiding or defensive fighting on their tribes’ behalf. It was not uncommon for younger females to be taken away as captives (Sacajewea, a Shoshone, is a well known example). Therefore, the men took more of the combative and defensive roles.

Regardless, Buffalo Calf Road Woman is widely recognized as having ridden to battle at the Rosebud. She gained renown by riding to the rescue of her brother, Comes In Sight, who was a chief or sub-chief. Some accounts state he had been wounded. More commonly it is simply stated that he was left without a horse (both could have been true) and was surrounded by enemy fighters.

Universally, though, accounts all state that upon seeing her brother surrounded and unhorsed, Buffalo Calf Road Woman galloped to rescue him. He was able to climb onto her horse and the pair galloped out of danger with neither suffering a wound in the incident.

It is also unclear as to whether Comes In Sight was surrounded by U.S. soldiers or by General Crook’s Crow and/or Shoshone Indian scouts. As many as 262 scouts rode with Crook. They not only fought in the battle but saved him from being outflanked and surrounded.

The Battle of the Rosebud, as it is commonly known today, was significant. Crook’s command was one of three military columns sent to converge on and entrap non-treaty tribes. The intent was to force those tribes onto reservations. Instead, Crook’s forces were stymied at the Rosebud.

Realizing he was badly outnumbered by the combined non-treaty tribes, Crook retreated back southward to await more supplies and reinforcements. Without his column’s presence, the Seventh Cavalry met with disaster at the Little Bighorn.

The Rosebud Battle is known amongst the Cheyenne as “The Fight Where the Girl Saved Her Brother.”

The Other Magpie

Records also list another woman fought at the Rosebud. A Crow woman named The Other Magpie is said to have ridden to the battle with scouts from her tribe. She sought vengeance against the Sioux, who had killed her brother.

Accounts are less prevalent regarding The Other Magpie, but some hold that she carried no weapon other than a “coup” stick with which to strike enemy warriors. Some say she not only “counted coup” by striking a live enemy but managed to kill and scalp a Sioux warrior.

Another Twist

A more recently revealed oral tradition states that Buffalo Calf Trail Woman also fought at the Little Bighorn. Some say she struck Custer, knocking him from his horse before he was killed.

In reality, after the battle numerous different warriors claimed to have killed Custer. It is uncertain that any of the combatants actually even recognized him that day. Eventually a consensus of tribal leaders attributed Custer’s death to a warrior named Brave Bear, but he did not necessarily lay claim to that honorary distinction.

The reality also exists that several members of Custer’s regiment wore buckskin shirts that day. More than one could have been mistaken for Custer in that confused, chaotic scene. In other words, many varied accounts abound, but no solid documentation exists.

It is possible Buffalo Calf Road Woman actually did strike Custer and knock him from his horse at the Little Bighorn. However, many conflicting accounts exist as to how Custer died and also to just where he died on the battlefield. (Some say he died in the Little Bighorn while attempting to cross it. Others say he never reached the river with his troops, for example. His body was found high on a ridge, far from the river.) 

It is uncertain that any given fighter actually struck Custer before his death at the Little Bighorn. That is part of the ongoing mystique and mystery of the event. Regardless, at the Battle of the Rosebud, The Other Magpie and Buffalo Calf Trail Woman each earned a place in history.

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Immigrants from numerous nations were prevalent in both armies during our nation’s Civil War. In fact, many officer positions were filled for political purposes with the intent of winning the loyalty of immigrants from give nationalities.

President Lincoln, for example, a perceptive politician, was known to have filled a general’s position with a man of German descent in order to retain the loyalties of German immigrants. In another case, at least one deserving officer was passed over for promotion because a given command already had “too many Irish officers.” Sadly, I have not been able to locate his name in time for posting on this topic.

It is noted that Ireland suffered its Great Famine, or Potato Famine, in the late 1840’s and early 1850’s. It resulted in many Irish immigrating to the United States. Most were poor. By the time they paid passage across the ocean most had little or no money left for starting businesses or buying farms. As a result, many of them, like other immigrants, found at least sparse employment by enlisting in the U.S. military.  

After the oppression most Irish had endured, it seems odd that many of them fought for the South during America’s Civil War. More Irish did fight for the Union and its desire to break the oppression of slavery. However, some feared that the freeing of southern slaves would lead to even greater competition for employment, particularly in the North. Some had simply settled in the South and therefore were loyal to their states.

Regardless of their motivation, many Irish fought capably on both sides of the war. An AI pop-up notes that at least 12 Union generals were Irish, while at least 6 Confederate generals were Irish immigrants or descendants. Many Irish, naturally, had served honorably in America’s Revolution as well, it might be noted.

Thomas Francis Meagher bears mention here, although he had little direct connection to the Little Bighorn. An Irish revolutionary, he was exiled to Tazmania, then managed to escape and make his way to the U.S. After becoming a Union general he led the famed Irish Brigade, also known as the original “Fighting 69^th.”

After the war, Meagher became Acting Governor of Montana Territory and raised a territorial volunteer militia to combat Blackfeet Indian depredations. However, he died a mysterious death on the Missouri River while en route to receive a shipment of arms for that purpose. A statue of Meagher has long stood in front of Montana’s capitol building. He is portrayed atop a horse with his saber raised as if leading his troops.

After 1865, many poor immigrants continued to enlist in America’s army. They were not all selfless in their motivations. Some might well have been “rabble.” Out at the lonely, isolated posts on what was then America’s frontier, drunkenness and disciplinary problems were not uncommon. Desertion was relatively frequent as well. Rumors of gold often beckoned.With no ties elsewhere, a man might easily change his name or otherwise disappear in the frontier’s vast reaches.

Regardless, many Irish ended up in the army’s Seventh Cavalry Regiment. At its head was General Phil Sheridan. Although he was American-born, Sheridan was the son of Irish parents. John and Mary ( Meenagh) Sheridan had immigrated from Killinkere parish in County Cavan, Ireland.

Sheridan is sometimes regarded negatively for his practice of “total warfare,” both in America’s Civil War and later against Plains Indian tribes. (A particularly unfair and inaccurate quote has been attributed to Sheridan as well. That has contributed to the overall negative perceptions and portrayals of him, but that will be discussed in another post.)

Regardless of one’s view, Sheridan was a lieutenant general overseeing the army’s Department of the Missouri through the 1870’s. The Seventh Cavalry fell under his overall command.

The only other commissioned officer in the Seventh Cavalry was Myles Keogh. Aside from George Armstrong Custer himself, Captain (brevet Colonel) Keough is likely the most widely known member of the Seventh Cavalry. Keough had been recruited directly from Ireland during the Civil War. More will be posted about him, as well, in the near future. However, he brought an Irish influence to the regiment, and his Irish Catholic practices may have kept his body from being mutilated after his death at the Little Bighorn.

It is less well known that the 7^th Cavalry had a strong Irish presence throughout its ranks, far beyond just the well known Myles Keough.

Accounts vary, but anywhere from 103 to 128 Irish were enlisted in the Seventh Cavalry in 1876. Of those, 34 (or possibly 35) died at the Little Bighorn, a high attrition rate. I have read on a discussion board that Irish made up 16% of the regiment (out of roughly 600 total enlistees.) Although Keogh was its only commissioned officer, roughly 18 held the rank of sergeant.

Although Keough may or may not have actually brought the song Garryowen to the Seventh Cavalry, he certainly helped to popularize it there. That spirited Irish jig tune is well know for its adoption as the 7^th Cavalry’s “anthem.” (See ‘Songs of the Seventh,’ posted 3/10/26.)

A brief mention here of the Civil War term “galvanizing” might be fitting. It refers to members of either side who changed their outer uniform, or coating just as iron pipes were galvanized (a practice patented in1836.) This was often done by prisoners of war who wanted to escape the horrors of prison camps, but it was started at Camp Douglas, in Illinois, by Colonel James Mulligan. (Irish, perhaps?) Many who galvanized were Irish immigrants who had been drafted or conscripted, and many were sent to remote frontier posts, away from their original places of loyalty.

After noting the Seventh Cavalry’s strong Irish presence, I looked into the topic further. I realized the notion was hardly original with me. An internet search will show many other sources have dealt with this topic. The site below, though might be one of the best. Although it has some inaccuracies regarding the lead-up to the Little Bighorn, it is overall a good source on this topic:

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The Seventh Cavalry Regiment and the song “Garryowen” are virtually synonymous – at least to anyone who has a passing familiarity with either. The two have appeared together in countless books and movies. Even those who have never dived into that part of history might have some awareness of the Seventh and its “anthem.”

The Seventh’s regimental band played that lively tune as the troops rode out on campaign. At times it was even played as they rode into battle. Understandably, the troopers loved it. As Saint Patrick’s Day approaches, the song warrants a bit more background. It bears an interesting history and even some irony.

As for its origin, the song is an Irish jig. Its name is actually “Garry Owen.” Adapted from the Irish “Garrai Eoin,” or St. John’s Court, it celebrates a particular section of Limerick, Ireland. Other sources state the name means “Owen’s Garden” or “John’s Garden,” but all refer to an area near an old castle frequented by “roisterers.”

Interestingly, the jig is a drinking song, first popular among rowdy Irish revelers in the late 1700’s. A look at the lyrics well bears that out. Its irony is that Custer was known to love the tune, but he is widely believed to have been a teetotaler – at least after a drunken spree that nearly cost him a chance to court Elizabeth Bacon.

While living with his sister and finishing schooling in Monroe, Michigan, Custer became acquainted with the Bacons. Elizabeth was the daughter of Judge Daniel Bacon, a member of Monroe’s finer society. Later, as a young Civil War lieutenant Custer became ill and went back to Monroe on leave. One evening he and a fellow soldier got inebriated and wandered past the Bacons’ house, apparently singing raucously. (Garryowen, perhaps?)

At the time, the judge forbade his daughter to have contact with Custer; however, when young soldier arrived home that night his sister took him aside, lectured him sternly and elicited a pledge from him to avoid all alcohol from that time forward. It is believed that he kept that pledge.

Custer was also reputed to have banned, or at least limited sales of alcohol to his troopers at Fort Abraham Lincoln. He may have done so earlier at Fort Hays as well.  Alcoholism was not uncommon at remote posts. Some contraband liquor undoubtedly reached the ranks, and it would later be the undoing of Major Marcus Reno. In fact, lives may have been lost due to his drinking (more on that to come.)

Regardless, it’s easy to see why troopers loved and adopted Garry Owen as their favorite. It’s lively tune was a favorite of the 5^th Royal Irish Lancers, and it was quickly picked up by other Irish and British units. It may have made its way to America before or during our Revolution.

Interestingly, the tune was also used by composer Ludwig Beethoven in the early 1800’s. However, his composition “From Garyone My Happy Home” is far more formal and far less spirited than the Irish version.

The song may have been introduced to the 7^th Cavalry by Captain Miles Keough when the regiment was formed in 1867 (more later on Keough as well.) As I will note in my next post, the U.S. military included a number of Irish immigrants in the 1850’s and later, with many of them belonging to the 7^th Cavalry. Little wonder the song became their anthem.

Like “The Girl I Left Behind Me,” Garryowen lends itself to the spirit of a unit of soldiers starting out on a campaign. The lyrics, however, not so much. Rather than write them out here I’ll include a link to a rendition or two:

The first rendition, of course, is distinctly Irish. Again, it is fitting as we approach St. Patrick’s Day.

In researching Garryowen’s background I came across a well written post by a Northern Cheyenne member on the site Buffalo’s Fire. She stated the song can be offensive to today’s descendants of tribes who were attacked by Custer, the 7^th Cavalry and other U.S. military units.

It is stated in multiple sources that Garryowen was indeed played by the 7^th Cavalry’s regimental band, for example, as Custer attacked Black Kettle’s village of Southern Cheyenne on the Washita River in 1868. Not all members of that village were exactly faultless, either at the time of the attack or in the months prior. However, the attack has long been viewed in a negative light by most Americans, both at that time and for more than a century-and-a-half that have followed. It is easy to see why the tune would be offensive to the descendants of those tribes.

The writer notes that in 1968, on the 100^th anniversary of Custer’s Washita attack, 7^th Cavalry commander Eric Gault promised the song would never again be played against the Cheyenne. While the song continues in popularity, as best I can determine that promise has been kept.

Regardless of any negative attachments it might have, Garry Owen continues to be popular in other contexts.  Most can easily see the spirited tune’s appeal.

See also, Buffalo’s Fire and Irish Central websites for related articles.

https://www.buffalosfire.com/garryowen-retired

https://www.irishcentral.com/roots/history/ireland-song-garryowen-banned-custer

The post Songs of the Seventh: Garryowen appeared first on Bighorn, Big Hole and Beyond.

On February 18, 1876 Paul McCormick, an area trader, trudged into Fort Ellis with a request for military relief. He had come from Fort Pease, a trading fort located along the Yellowstone River near the mouth of the Bighorn. The fort had been the subject of persistent attacks by Miniconjou Sioux for several months.

These same nontreaty Sioux, possibly incited by Sitting Bull, had also carried out raids on the peaceful Crow tribe settled nearby on its reservation. (A well cited article notes that most of the battles in the mid-1860’s and 1870’s were on lands the Sioux had taken from other tribes since the 1851 Fort Laramie Treaty attempted to establish peace amongst those tribes.)

McCormick was one of a large group of trappers and traders who had banded together and established a large stockade and trade fort in 1875. It was well situated to secure trading opportunities both from the Crow Indian reservation, established in 1868, and also from expected steamboat traffic coming up the Yellowstone River. It also sat near the planned Northern Pacific Railway’s route, and the builders may have anticipated a military fort being built in the vicinity, which would also bring trade.

The fort’s builders were industrious and ambitious. Soldier and historian James Bradley, who marched with the Montana Column, included a brief description in his journal: “Fort Pease is built close on the bank of the Yellowstone, and . . . is a combinations of log buildings and palisades, enclosing a space about two hundred feet square. The buildings and palisades are loop-holed on every side. . .”

Name:

The post was named for Fellows Pease, one of the traders. Pease must have been the group’s leader, at least unofficially. He is relatively unknown, and little information on him seems to be readily available. What I have determined thus far is that he had been the agent at Fort Parker, the Crow Indian reservation headquarters, from November 1870 to November 1871. He had been the government’s agent for the Blackfeet Tribe before that.

It is unclear as to whether Pease had been guilty in the scandals and scams that seemed to plague the agency, but one source states that he submitted a bill for $133,936 in 1871 – or about the equivalent of $3.2 million in modern currency – for ”services and supplies.” If Pease was not guilty, it appears the area traders supplying him certainly were.

Pease was born ­­­­­in Pennsylvania in 1835 and lost three brothers in America’s Civil War. Perhaps, mercifully, to spare his mother losing all her sons, Pease went westward in 1861 and established a fur trading company. I have found no record that he served in any military capacity, but he was known as “Major” Fellows Pease.

In 1867, Montana Territory’s acting governor, Thomas Francis Meagher, did raise a citizen militia in response to Indian depredations. It is feasible that Pease earned his title serving in that militia, but I have found no record of it. “Colonel” has been a courtesy title often used despite the recipient’s lack of military rank. “Major” was likely used in similar fashion, acknowledging Pease’ leadership or authority over the contingent of traders at the trade fort bearing his name.

Although little is readily known about Pease, others at the fort would become much better known. Several would figure significantly in events leading up to the Little Bighorn and in the well known battle there. They included both Mitch Bouyer (also sometimes spelled ‘Boyer’ or ‘Bowyer’ – more will be written about him later) and George Herendeen (also a topic for future discussions and posts.)
 

McCormick:

Paul McCormick must have been one of the more intrepid and enterprising traders at the post. Within a few months he would be travelling down the Yellowstone River in Mackinaw boats loaded with eggs, vegetables and other “delicacies” so often absent from soldiers’ bland and repetitious rations. McCormick would readily sell those items to members of Colonel John Gibbon’s “Montana Column,” which included soldiers from Forts Shaw and Ellis.

Readers might recall these troops were marching to meet the Wyoming and Dakota columns in General Sheridan’s campaign to push nontreaty Indians onto reservations. Frontier troops on the march had nowhere to spend their pay and often gambled it away amongst themselves. McCormick made at least two trips downriver to sell wares to these troops and must have done a brisk business. Journal entries also mention the whiskey or other alcohol he was also allowed to sell at the column’s encampments.

Brief History, 1875-1876:

Fort Pease was home to 46 resident traders and trappers. Six had been killed and at least eight or nine wounded in seven months of Sioux attacks before McCormick managed to sneak out during a blizzard. He trudged through snow for four days to Fort Ellis, the nearest military post. He was successful in his mission, and Major James Brisbin secured permission to march out to rescue the remaining occupants of Fort Pease. By the time he arrived many had gone back to trapping, and unbeknownst at the time, the Sioux had also just left the area.

Apparently one of the traders attempted to burn Fort Pease as the occupants left under Major Brisbin’s protection. Only one building actually burned. Most of the fort remained standing, and it was soon used by the Montana Column as a base camp and supply depot as they advanced down the Yellowstone to cooperate with the other two columns. The post would also be used as a base where troops regrouped and reformed their commands after the Little Bighorn battle.

During their downriver march two months after McCormick’s trek to Fort Ellis, Gibbon’s Montana Column found several of the traders’ boats still at Fort Pease. These craft were still in usable condition, which also helped the expedition immensely. Some of the posts’ former traders now served as scouts for the column and may have profited by charging for the use of boats, which they rightly claimed as their own.

By some accounts, not all occupants at Fort Pease desired Major Brisibin’s military help. Some apparently left only grudgingly and only under orders of the military authority. Brisbin’s troops found George Herendeen out trapping or wolfing along the Yellowstone River and forced him to leave. His salty nature would prove invaluable later, as he served the Montana Column and then the 7^th Cavalry as a scout.

Fort Pease had an ambitious and promising start. However, as Lieutenant Bradley wrote, “. . . the times were not propitious and the enterprise was doomed to a troubled life and an early death.” He went on, “The Sioux war broke out, no steamers came to ply on the Yellowstone, no military post was located near by as had been anticipated, and additional settlers did not resort to the vicinity while swarms of hostile Indians did.”

Bradley concluded, “Its history covers a period of less than a year, but teems with incident. . .” It may have burned completely by area tribes after it was finally abandoned by the U.S. military. Other supply bases, cantonments and posts were established in the area in subsequent years.

Future posts on this site will mention Fort Pease along with some of its better known builders and occupants (namely Bouyer and Herendeen.) For now, with the fur fort’s location being strategic and pivotal in future events, be aware that it served a useful function for troops in the 1876 Sioux campaign. It would figure somewhat prominently in future events building up to the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

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